Sociedad Asiática
sábado, 22 de agosto de 2020
CFP> Contemplative Research Conference proposals due August 15 for online conference November 5-8
by John Dunne
Greetings, all.
The Mind & Life Contemplative Research Conference will be held as scheduled November 5-8, 2020, but the meeting will now be online. The CRC, which is a revised meeting based on the previous International Symposia for Contemplative Research, is an international conference for rigorous interdisciplinary investigation of contemplative practices and programs in diverse contexts. Scholars in the humanities are especially encouraged to apply. The conference will feature plenary sessions, including a keynote by Prof. Chakravarthi Ram-Prasad of Lancaster University, and concurrent symposia on a diverse range of topics and best practices within contemplative research. The meeting will be held on an innovative online platform that facilitates live networking, group discussion, and scholarly engagement.
Proposals can still be submitted, although the deadline of August 15 rapidly approaches. Please note that generous scholarships for participants at all levels are available.
This will be the last conference of this kind organized by the Mind & Life Institute. We envision the creation of an academic society that emerges from this meeting, with the intention that future such gatherings will be hosted by that society.
For further information, please see the CRC website: https://www.contemplativeresearch.org/event/7233d755-9785-469e-8a2e-93305c9b9941/summary?environment=P2&5S%2CM3%2C7233d755-9785-469e-8a2e-93305c9b9941=
Yours,
John Dunne
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Buda Amitabha
El nombre de Amitabha en sánscrito significa “luz infinita”. Amitabha es el Buda principal de Sukhavati, la Tierra Pura. En el budismo tibetano es el gran Buda Salvador. Amitabha es tambiérn una práctica y sinónimo de compasión y felicidad.
Este es su mantra:
OM A MI DEWA HRI
"Bardo" es el estado de existencia intermedio entre dos vidas. Según la tradición tibetana, después de la muerte y antes del próximo renacimiento, es el estado en que la conciencia no ha encontrado todavía un cuerpo físico para su futura vida.
Hay varios textos sobre el Bardo Thodol (Libro Tibetano de los Muertos), algunas versiones más largas y otras más cortas. Según el budismo tibetano existen seis bardos: 1 El Bardo de la propia Vida. 2 El Bardo de la Meditación. 3 El Bardo del Sueño. 4 El Bardo de la Muerte. 5 El Bardo de Dharmata. 6 El Bardo de la Existencia.
En este enlace podéis seguir las Plegarias del Bardo del texto compuesto por Kunga Paljor (Transcripción fonética del tibetano).
Las plegarias del Bardo son muy efectivas para pedir liberación y apoyo durante el ciclo continuo de experiencias entre una vida y otra.
En la conexión de este domingo, Thubten Wangchen nos explicará estos conceptos de manera sencilla y cercana.
¡Seguimos conectados!
¡Muchos ánimos!
Equipo Fundación Casa de Tíbet
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Buda Amitabha
El nom d'Amitabha en sànscrit significa "llum infinita". Amitabha és el Buda principal de Sukhavati, la Terra Pura. En el budisme tibetà és el gran Buda Salvador. Amitabha és també una pràctica i sinònim de compassió i felicitat.
Aquest és el seu mantra:
OM A MI DEWA HRI
"Bardo" és l'estat d'existència intermedi entre dues vides. Segons la tradició tibetana, després de la mort i abans del próxim renaixement, és l'estat en que la consciència no ha trobat encara un cos físic per a la seva futura vida.
Hi ha diversos textos sobre el Bard Thodol (Llibre Tibetà dels Morts), algunes versions més llargues i altres més curtes. Segons el budisme tibetà hi ha sis bards: 1 El Bard de la mateixa Vida. 2 El Bard de la Meditació. 3 El Bard del Somni. 4 El Bard de la Mort. 5 El Bard de Dharmata. 6 El Bard de l'Existència.
En aquest enllaç podeu seguir les Pregàries del Bard del text compost per Kunga Paljor (Transcripció fonética del Tibetà).
En la connexió d'aquest diumenge, Thubten Wangchen ens explicarà aquests conceptes de manera senzilla i propera.
Seguim connectats!
Molts ànims!
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miércoles, 5 de agosto de 2020
H-Buddhism daily digest: 2 new items have been posted H-Net Notifications New
items have been posted in H-Buddhism. Table of Contents REVIEW> Kim on May and
Igunma, 'Buddhism Illuminated: Manuscript Art from South-East Asia' [cross-post
from H-Asia] Kotyk on Goble, 'Chinese Esoteric Buddhism: Amoghavajra, the Ruling
Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition' [review] H-NetPlease help us keep H-Net
free and accessible. $25 from each of our subscribers would fund H-Net for two
years. Click here to make a tax-deductible donation online. REVIEW> Kim on May
and Igunma, 'Buddhism Illuminated: Manuscript Art from South-East Asia'
[cross-post from H-Asia] by Jason Protass [Editor's Note: The following book
review is now available on the H-Asia network, published at this address:
https://networks.h-net.org/node/22055/reviews/6301319/kim-may-and-igunma-buddhism-illuminated-manuscript-art-south-east
] San San May, Jana Igunma. Buddhism Illuminated: Manuscript Art from South-East
Asia. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2018. Illustrations. 256 pp.
$65.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-295-74378-3. Reviewed by Jinah Kim (Harvard
University) Published on H-Asia (August, 2020) Commissioned by Sumit Guha (The
University of Texas at Austin) Citation: Jinah Kim. Review of May, San San;
Igunma, Jana, Buddhism Illuminated: Manuscript Art from South-East Asia. H-Asia,
H-Net Reviews. August, 2020. URL:
http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=52593 Printable Version:
http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=52593 Read more or reply Back to top
Kotyk on Goble, 'Chinese Esoteric Buddhism: Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and
the Emergence of a Tradition' [review] by H-Net Reviews Geoffrey C. Goble.
Chinese Esoteric Buddhism: Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a
Tradition. The Sheng Yen Series in Chinese Buddhist Studies. New York: Columbia
University Press, 2019. 336 pp. $69.99 (e-book), ISBN 978-0-231-55064-2; $70.00
(cloth), ISBN 978-0-231-19408-2. Reviewed by Jeffrey Kotyk (McMaster University)
Published on H-Buddhism (August, 2020) Commissioned by Jessica Zu (Princeton
University, USC Dornsife) Printable Version:
http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=55284 In recent years we have seen
increasing publications on the topic of Japanese Mikkyō in the English language,
but attention to its predecessor in Tang China is especially welcome.[1] The
title of Geoffrey C. Goble’s book, Chinese Esoteric Buddhism: Amoghavajra, the
Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition, immediately sparks interest,
given the absence of a dedicated monograph on the influential court cleric
Amoghavajra from the mid-Tang. Upon reading Chinese Esoteric Buddhism, however,
I concluded that it contains a number of indefensible claims and theories that
render the main arguments in the book difficult to accept, although at the same
time I have to commend the author for his extensive excavation of primary
sources in classical Chinese, ranging from Buddhist texts to state chronicles.
Many of the problems I will point out below could have been avoided had the
author consulted more secondary sources, particularly in Japanese, but the
book’s bibliography only lists a handful of studies in Japanese and Mandarin
Chinese. One of the key concerns of the book is defining “Esoteric Buddhism.” In
the synopsis, Goble writes, “The first step in this project is to provide
evidence of local recognition of Esoteric Buddhism as a new teaching and to
delineate as clearly as possible what that teaching was. This is the subject of
the first chapter. We have no evidence that Śubhākarasiṃha was seen as
presenting a new teaching and no reliable way of knowing how he presented
himself and his Buddhism” (p. 9). This is one of the key arguments of Chinese
Esoteric Buddhism, but one can summon counter evidence against it (see below).
Chapter 1 defines “Esoteric Buddhism” as separate from an “esoteric Buddhism”
(uppercase versus lowercase e), the latter being dhāraṇīs (incantations) and
spells, while the former is understood as something new to China and in
particular established by Amoghavajra. Does Goble’s key apparatus for defining
Esoteric Buddhism hold up? I do not believe it does. Contrary to what Goble
claims, we actually do have evidence that a Mantric tradition was, in fact,
regarded as a new and innovative teaching even before Śubhākarasiṃha. Several of
the following points were already explained in Yoritomi Motohiro’s work, which
does not appear in Goble’s bibliography.[2] The Tuoluoni ji jing 陀羅尼集經,
translated by Atikūṭa 阿地瞿多 in 654, describes the consecration of a ritual
space and the initiation of disciples in the “Secret Dharma Depository of the
Buddhas” (zhufo mimi fazang 諸佛祕密法藏). This would refer to a maṇḍala (sacred
ritual space) and the accompanying abhiṣeka (consecration). The ritual process
uses a vajra (T 901, 18: 813c19-814c23). Moreover, Zhisheng 智昇 (669–740) in
730 reported that Atikūṭa “established a Universal Altar for Dhāraṇīs
建陀羅尼普集會壇” (T 2154, 55: 562c15). This was, I believe, unprecedented in
Chinese history and would have been recognized as a new model of Buddhist
practice. Moving ahead a few decades, Chinese monks in India were exposed to the
new Mantric practices. Although on page 19, Goble notes that the Chinese monk
Wuxing 無行 (b. 630) had been responsible for the transmission of several key
texts back to China, another essential item of interest related to Wuxing is the
letter he sent to the Chinese court, which Goble does not mention. The letter
was brought to Japan by Ennin 圓仁 (794–864)
(南荊州沙門無行在天竺國致於唐國書一卷; T 2167, 55: 1086c22). Only a few lines of
this letter are extant. One important line is preserved in the Shingon shūkyō
jigi 眞言宗教時義 by Annen 安然 (841–915?). The extant line from Wuxing’s letter
reads, “Recently the new Mantra teachings have become revered in the country
[India] 近者新有眞言教法擧國崇仰” (T 2396, 75: 421a11). Yijing 義淨 (635–713),
who visited Southeast Asia and India between 671 and 695, also reported that the
Vidyādharapiṭaka (zhou zang 呪藏), in other words, the canon of dhāraṇīs or
mantras, had not yet spread eastward to China (呪藏東夏未流). Yijing himself had
repeatedly entered the tanchang 壇場 (here referring to the ritual space or
maṇḍala) at Nālanda intent on acquiring this practice, but his merit was
insufficient (淨於那爛陀亦屢入壇場希心此要而為功不並就; T 2066, 51: 7a9-12).
These accounts prove that the Chinese were already aware of an innovative new
approach to Buddhist practice centered on mantras, which clearly required some
sort of authorization or initiation. An important part of Chinese Esoteric
Buddhism is its treatment of Amoghavajra’s predecessors. Goble addresses the
careers and roles of Śubhākarasiṃha, Yixing, and Vajrabodhi in the introduction.
Goble argues, with regard to Śubhākarasiṃha, that we have “no reliable way of
knowing how he presented himself and his Buddhism. We only have access to
others’ representations. In sources produced prior to 755, Śubhākarasiṃha is
identified as transmitting the dhāraṇī teaching rather than something new in his
scriptural translations” (p. 9). This is an erroneous assertion for the simple
fact that we have the commentary to the Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi, which was compiled
and expanded on by Yixing based on the oral testimony of Śubhākarasiṃha. Goble,
however, rejects this authorship: “All told, evidence suggests that the
Commentary postdates the lives of Śubhākarasiṃha and Yixing and is possibly a
Japanese product” (pp. 19–20). Some remarks about the authorship of the
commentary were voiced by Osabe Kazuo 長部和雄 (b. 1907) as early as 1944. He
also wrote an article in 1954 expressing doubts about Yixing’s involvement in
the text in question (this does not mean it was a Japanese composition however).
Osabe should have been cited (especially his monograph on Yixing) but was not,
although later scholars in Japan have generally not accepted Osabe’s proposal.
Excellent recent studies on the commentary in its various recensions include
those by Kameyama Takahiko, Shimizu Akisumi, and Mano Shinya.[3] These scholars
discuss the complex factors underlying the production and transmission of
multiple recensions of the commentary (the two main versions in use by scholars
are T 1796 and X 438). Goble’s argument against the traditionally attributed
authorship of the commentary is easily refuted with reference to the commentary
itself and other Chinese and Japanese sources. I present five points that
contest Goble’s argument. First, the sub-commentary in the Yiqie jing yinyi
一切經音義 by Amoghavajra’s disciple Huilin 慧琳 (737–820), produced in 807,
cites the commentary with the abbreviated title Yiji 義記, noting it was
produced by Yixing. This abbreviated title likely stems from Dapiluzhena jing
yiji 大毘盧遮那經義記, which is an attested title in Annen’s catalog, the Sho
ajari shingon mikkyō burui sōroku 諸阿闍梨眞言密教部類總録 (T 2756, 55:
1114c24-26) from the year 902. Annen also noted this work was “expounded by
Śubhākarasiṃha and recorded by Yixing 無畏釋一行記” (T 2176, 55: 1114c24). This
only demonstrates the traditional position that this commentary was orally
explained by Śubhākarasiṃha at first and then Yixing added further material on
the basis of this. Huilin’s definition of the term mānava 摩納婆 was clearly
derived from the commentary (compare T 2128, 54: 353b23-c1 and T 1796, 39:
594a27-b5). Huilin clearly had the commentary in his possession in the year 807
in China. Second, Yixing’s own theory of fixed and averaged New Moons is
actually incorporated into the commentary in the section on astrology and
calendrical conventions. I have discussed this section of the commentary and
Yixing’s theory in a past study.[4] If the commentary were a Japanese
composition, as Goble suggests it could be, the author(s) would have had to be
familiar with the astronomical theory of Yixing. This seems unlikely because his
calendar, the Dayan li 大衍暦, would not have been accessible to monastics in
China and Japan. Furthermore, the commentary translates twelve zodiacs as shi’er
fang 十二房 (twelve chambers) (T 1796, 39: 618a8). If the commentary were
produced during or after Amoghavajra’s time, especially by a Japanese hand, we
would expect to see the more conventionally established terms shi’er gong 十二宮
(twelve palaces) or sh’er wei 十二位 (twelve places). Third, the Taizō engi
胎藏緣起, which is attributed to Saichō 最澄 (767–822), mentions the production
of the commentary: Yixing “frequently consulted with Tripiṭaka Master
Śubhākarasiṃha. [They] translated the Sanskrit of the Vairocana-sūtra into a
Chinese text, altogether seven fascicles, which was then transmitted into the
world, while also producing a commentary on the meanings [of the text]
每於無畏三藏所諮, 毗盧遮那經, 自譯梵文以爲漢典凡七卷, 見傳於世,兼為疏義.” The
Ryaku fuhō den 略付法傳 by Kūkai 空海 (774–835), however, only mentions the
translation but not the commentary.[5] Fourth, the Liangbu dafa xiangcheng shizi
fufa ji 兩部大法相承師資付法記 by Haiyun 海雲 in 834 records that Yixing
produced a commentary to the Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi in seven fascicles, which
later were arranged as fourteen (T 2081, 51: 786c17-18). Fifth, Annen (T 2176,
55: 1114c24) recorded that a commentary to the Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi
(大毘盧遮那經義記十卷) was brought to Japan by Genbō 玄昉 (d. 746). Genbō stayed
in China between 716 and 735. Unless Annen’s records were fraudulent, it is
clear that Genbō returned with one version of the commentary. Genbō’s dates in
China overlap with the careers of Śubhākarasiṃha and Yixing in the capital.
Genbō was actually in China when the Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi and its commentary
were produced. As the research of various Japanese scholars shows, there were
some emendations and edits to the commentary in China after Yixing’s time, but
the bulk of the work dates back to Yixing and Śubhākarasiṃha.[6] Moreover,
looking at the two main recensions of this commentary that are commonly used
today (T 1796 and X 438), we see lines that commence with “the ācārya states
...” (阿闍梨云; T 1796, 39: 579c10), which is likely Śubhākarasiṃha’s own voice,
albeit translated into Chinese. In fact, although Yixing is normally credited
with the authorship of the commentary, and indeed it is a fact he clearly edited
and added material, it seems that Yixing built up from Śubhākarasiṃha’s oral
commentary. An item listed in the Gishaku mokuroku 義釋目錄 by the Japanese monk
Enchin 圓珍 (814–91) includes a certain Fanben Piluzhena chengfo jing chaoji
梵本毗盧遮那成佛經抄記 (X 438, 23: 299b21), which is not extant, but this
appears to have been notes for the Sanskrit Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi. Yixing and
Śubhākarasiṃha had together translated said text in 724, so undoubtedly these
notes were likely recorded from Śubhākarasiṃha. Yixing, we can imagine,
incorporated these into the commentary, as seems to have been the case.
Furthermore, the commentary on the Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi deals with many more
topics than only the dhāraṇī teachings—in fact, it explains abhiṣeka and the
creation of a maṇḍala, which leads me to wonder why Goble claims that “in
sources produced prior to 755, Śubhākarasiṃha is identified as transmitting the
dhāraṇī teaching rather than something new in his scriptural translations” (p.
9). The above points can only lead one to conclude that Goble’s challenge to the
traditionally attributed authorship of the commentary to the
Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi is indefensible and moreover constitutes a fatal flaw in
his analysis of Śubhākarasiṃha and Yixing. To suggest that the commentary “is
possibly a Japanese product” is misleading and wrong. I shared Goble’s idea with
Shingon and Tendai monks, who agreed that such a proposal was unreasonable. One
remarked that Kūkai brought back a copy of the commentary in 806, which in
Kūkai’s catalog is also attributed to Yixing (T 2161, 55: 1064a8). My colleague
further noted that Kūkai repeatedly quoted from the commentary throughout his
writings. Moving on, Goble argues, “In China, Śubhākarasiṃha’s texts were not
conceived as a distinct or new teaching during his own lifetime” (p. 20). The
Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi, however, explains that attainment of full awakening is
possible within a single life, which is entirely unlike earlier Mahāyāna texts,
in which the path to full buddhahood takes immeasurable lifetimes along the ten
bhūmis of a bodhisattva’s career. The relevant line in the Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi
reads, “Moreover, he manifested the appearances of vajradharas, and the
bodhisattvas Samantabhadra and Padmapāṇi, and proclaimed throughout the ten
directions the pure-worded Dharma of the Mantra path: that the stages from the
first generation of [bodhi-]citta up to tenth [can be] progressively fulfilled
in this lifetime 又現執金剛普賢蓮華手菩薩等像貌, 普於十方, 宣說真言道清淨句法,
所謂初發心乃至十地, 次第此生滿足” (T 848, 18: 1b2-4). This idea is further
elaborated in the commentary as follows: “The gate into the entry of Mantra
generally includes three items. The first is the gate related to the mysteries
of body. The second is the gate related to mysteries of speech. The third is the
gate related to mysteries of mind. These matters will be broadly discussed
below. The practitioner purifies their three karmas through these three means.
It is by being empowered [*adhiṣṭhāna] with the three mysteries of the Tathāgata
that it is possible to fulfill the bhūmis and pāramitās in this lifetime, and
not further pass through numbers of kalpas 入真言門略有三事, 一者身密門,
二者語密門, 三者心密門. 是事下當廣說. 行者以此三方便, 自淨三業,
即為如來三密之所加持, 乃至能於此生滿足地波羅密, 不復經歷劫數” (T 1796, 39:
579b27-c2).[7] This would have been a revolutionary new concept to Chinese
Buddhists, especially when it was linked to the mysteries of body, speech, and
mind. Śubhākarasiṃha’s translation was arguably novel in China, since it
explained this concept of buddhahood within one lifetime. I am compelled to
challenge Goble’s claim that Śubhākarasiṃha and Vajrabodhi “seem to have had
little if any effect on the conception of Buddhism in China, likely due to the
relative paucity of their scriptural contributions to the Chinese Buddhist
canon” (p. 29). The foundations of Buddhist Mantrayāna in East Asia were, in
reality, established by these two monks and then further developed by
Amoghavajra. Śubhākarasiṃha and Vajrabodhi introduced lineages of abhiṣeka
(initiations) and also new iconographical forms via maṇḍalas. These two
practices alone altered the face of Chinese Buddhism. The pantheon of deities
and other figures who accompanied the maṇḍalas were greatly influential within
Chinese Buddhist art history. The iconography these two monks introduced ought
to also have been addressed by Goble. These icons were preserved in Japan in
various documents, such as the Taizō zuzō 胎藏圖象 (Taishō zuzō vol. 2: 191–328)
and Taizō kuzuyō 胎藏舊圖樣 (Taishō zuzō vol. 2: 477–566), for example. From the
perspective of art history, it is unreasonable to argue that Śubhākarasiṃha or
Vajrabodhi had “little if any effect on the conception of Buddhism in China,”
since from the extant literature and iconography, it is patently clear that this
is untrue. Moving further into the study, Goble suggests that “it is difficult
not to see Emperor Xuanzong’s interest in Vajrabodhi—like Emperor Taizong’s
interest in Xuanzang—as predicated on the intelligence concerning foreign
kingdoms that the monk could provide” (p. 29). Taizong’s interest in Xuanzang
was complex and not limited to an interest in Xuanzang’s knowledge of foreign
countries. The utility of gaining popular Buddhist support through sponsoring
translations during a critical time in his reign was more likely Taizong’s
actual interest. A lot of the assumptions about Taizong’s relationship to
Xuanzang are based on questionable hagiographical evidence.[8] Similarly, in my
opinion, it is more reasonable to argue that Vajrabodhi and his monastic
contemporaries were regarded by Xuanzong’s court as valuable members of the
sangha. There would have been far superior methods to acquire intelligence on
foreign powers than relying on foreign monks, and a survey of the dynastic
histories and various state compendia show that; in fact, state authors seldom
seriously consulted Buddhist sources. For instance, the encyclopedic Tong dian
通典 (fasc. 193) compiled in 801 by Du You 杜佑 (735–812) has a line in the
sub-commentary on the section on India that states, “Authors record the affairs
of India, with many records of monks. One suspects that the popular records of
Faming and Dao’an are all fantastical and unreliable, so they are not recompiled
[here] 諸家紀天竺國事, 多錄諸僧, 法明道安之流傳記, 疑皆恢誕不經, 不復悉纂也.”
For these reasons, I think the statement that Amoghavajra acted as an unofficial
intelligence agent “according to an established role for Buddhist monks in the
Tang period” is also problematic (p. 37). On page 45, Goble argues, “Although
the Account of Conduct passage suggests that Vajrabodhi possessed and
transmitted the Great Vairocana Scripture to Amoghavajra, there is no other
evidence that Vajrabodhi emphasized or was aware of this text.” This is another
puzzling statement, since Japanese Buddhism traditionally teaches otherwise.
Haiyun explained that Vajrabodhi knew that Śubhākarasiṃha understood the
teachings of Mahāvairocana and subsequently sought teachings from him (T 2081,
51: 784a5-10). There is clearly evidence to support the idea that Vajrabodhi was
aware of the Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi and was initiated into it. If Goble disputes
this, then he ought to have provided reasoning why. Chinese Esoteric Buddhism is
primarily concerned with Amoghavajra. The background biographical information is
sufficient but could have included a critical discussion of the Buddhist sources
that we possess to reconstruct the life of Amoghavajra, as well as their
potential shortcomings as hagiographies but such philological excavations of
primary sources are not a feature in the book. Buddhist hagiographies and state
records can be at odds with each other in Chinese history, so reconstructing the
life of a monk is no simple task. One can also carefully use Japanese materials
as additional references, such as the aforementioned Ryaku fuhō den in the case
of Amoghavajra. Fascicle 52 of the Cefu yuangui 冊府元龜—completed in 1013 by
Wang Qinruo 王欽若 (962-1025) and Yang Yi 楊億 (974-1020)—is another important
source. In this voluminous work, which is now digitized and searchable on CTEXT
and Wikisource, we see some references to Amoghavajra. This fascicle in
particular includes a memorial penned by Amoghavajra in which he reviews his own
long career. A eulogy of Amoghavajra is also included in this fascicle. These
documents would have been worth bringing into the wider study. Chapter 2
discusses Amoghavajra’s rise to influence in relation to the rites of the Tang
“imperial religion.” This is not an emic category (that is, Chinese did not have
an equivalent term such as this, nor did they think of their country as an
“empire”). As part of this discussion, Goble introduces the specific ritual for
the winter solstice, citing the Jiu Tang shu 舊唐書 (JTS 21.820). He states that
“the twelve zodiacal constellations” were enshrined on the altar, which sparked
my interest, since I did not think that the zodiacal deities were incorporated
into the state rituals at this point in Chinese history (the zodiac signs—Aries,
Taurus, etc.—originated in Mesopotamia and were initially transmitted into China
via Buddhism) (p. 62). However, upon reading the original source, I did not see
any reference to zodiacal signs or constellations but only to the twenty-eight
lunar stations (ershiba xiu 二十八宿). Goble also mentions Tianyi 天一 and Taiyi
太一, but I do not see these in the original Chinese text. This sort of
imaginative or otherwise defective interpretation of the primary source is
misleading. Chapter 3 discusses Esoteric Buddhism and warfare, topics with which
Amoghavajra was evidently familiar. Here we find extensive documentation of
ritual forms used in the Tang military, including Buddhist and Daoist sources
that are connected to Amoghavajra. Extensive details are provided for this
topic. Goble argues that “Amoghavajra’s meteoric ascent was largely the result
of two essential and related factors” (p. 95). He cites the An Lushan rebellion
and Amoghavajra’s subjugation rituals with which he was believed to subdue and
kill enemies. Although many details are given to argue for these two points, I
would argue that it was not strictly Amoghavajra’s abilities in spellcraft that
facilitated his rise in elite society. Amoghavajra’s career during this period
included other activities, most notable was his compilation and formulation of
Indian astrology for implementation within a Chinese environment. The relevant
text in question is listed in the bibliography of Chinese Esoteric Buddhism as
Wenshushili pusa jizhu xiansuo shuo jixiong shiri shan’e suyao jing
文殊師利菩薩及諸仙所說吉凶時日善惡宿曜經 (T 1299), but 宿 (lunar lodge or
constellation) is xiu and not su (in other words, Xiuyao jing, not Suyao jing).
Goble does not seem to discuss this text in his book, despite its professional
and political significance in Amoghavajra’s life. This text was first drafted in
759, with a subsequent revision in 764. These were the years that Amoghavajra’s
career as a court cleric flourished. We should note that the edition of the
Xiuyao jing in the Taishō canon is not the original version produced by
Amoghavajra. The main body of the text also defers to Indian or Sino-Indian
astronomers resident in the capital, namely, the Kāśyapa and Gautama families,
and the monk Kumāra[9]. In light of these facts, to suggest Amoghavajra rose to
prominence on a wave of violent magic unduly modifies his image toward that
angle. Amoghavajra was also involved in astrology and astronomy to some extent.
Goble argues that “in Esoteric Buddhism, standard ethical proscriptions and
prescriptions for both monastic Buddhists and lay practitioners were effectively
subordinated to an ethic of power” (p. 128). This ethical flexibility described
here was not necessarily an innovation of Amoghavajra. We can point to the work
of the Huayan patriarch Fazang 法藏 (643–712), namely, his commentary on the
bodhisattva precepts: Fanwangjing pusa jieben shu 梵網經菩薩戒本疏 (T 1813).
Fazang often cited the Yogācārabhūmi 瑜伽論 (T 1579), which gives the
bodhisattva a great deal of ethical flexibility to carry out acts of theft and
even homicide if circumstances permit. Such acts performed out of compassion
generate merit according to said text (T 1579, 30: 517b6-17). Fazang’s
commentary allows for the production of weapons and subduing of unruly sentient
beings (T 1813, 40: 639b5-9). In light of this, the argument that Amoghavajra’s
system of Buddhism was subordinated to an ethic of power appears overstated and
not entirely justified. This sets the stage for chapter 4, which deals with
Amoghavajra’s relationships with various elite figures, including the emperors
and other prominent men. Goble goes into great detail about the changes the Tang
government saw during the years of Amoghavajra’s career. He also outlines
biographical details of the people with whom Amoghavajra interacted, with
reference to the dynastic histories and other sources. Chapter 5 addresses the
institutional establishment of Esoteric Buddhism. Goble asserts an argument made
throughout earlier chapters, that “Amoghavajra represented his teaching as a new
teaching, one that was not known in China until he transmitted what he had
received in southern India” (p. 174). Chapter 6 of Chinese Esoteric Buddhism
explores the legacy of Amoghavajra. This chapter also extends into discussions
of how Zanning 贊寧 (920–1001) in particular shaped contemporary and also modern
understandings of Amoghavajra and his Esoteric Buddhism. Goble gives different
titles of texts in translation. For instance, Great Vairocana (p. 2),
Mahāvairocana (p. 3), and Great Vairocana Scripture (p. 18) for Dari jing 大日經
(on page 45 this is literally translated as Great Sun Scripture), but a more
sensible approach would be to consistently use an attested Sanskrit title of the
work in question, such as that given in the fragments explored by Matsunaga
Yūkei in 1966, and also recently used by Kanō Kazuo: namely,
Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi.[10] We also see typographical errors throughout the book,
which are too numerous to list here. Goble mentions in passing “the deity
Vinayaka (pinayajia tian 毘那夜迦天) or Vinayaka Gānapati (pinayajia enabodi
毘那夜迦誐那缽底), the esoteric Gaṇeśa” (p. 186). It should be Vināyaka and
Gaṇapati respectively. More care with Sanskrit names would have been desirable
(especially now that Monier-Williams is digitized). To sum up, I believe that
Chinese Esoteric Buddhism offers extensive biographical details regarding
Amoghavajra’s life and career, as well as those religiously or professionally
connected to him, and all this is indeed valuable, but this monograph suffers
from a number of problems. In light of what I have outlined above, I cannot
recommend Chinese Esoteric Buddhism. The definitive study on Amoghavajra remains
to be written. Notes [1]. I must thank Joseph P. Elacqua and Jayarava Attwood
for their comments regarding this review. I must also thank my colleagues from
Shingon and Tendai who shared their views. [2]. Yoritomi Motohiro 頼富本宏,
“Mikkyō no kakuritsu” 密教の確立, in Indo mikkyō インド密教, ed. Tachikawa
Musashi 立川武蔵 and Yoritomi Motohiro (Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1999), 32–56. [3].
Osabe Kazuo 長部和雄, “Ichigyō Zenji no kenkyū” 一行禪師の研究, Mikkyō kenkyū
密教研究 87 (1944): 21–39; Osabe Kazuo, “Dainichikyō sho no sensha to Gishaku no
zaijisha ni kansuru gimon” 大日經疏の撰者と義釋の再治者に關する疑問, Mikkyō
bunka 密教文化 27 (1954): 40–47; Osabe Kazuo, Ichigyō Zenji no kenkyū
一行禪師の研究 (Kobe: Kōbe Shōka Daigaku Keizai Kenkyūsho, 1963); Kameyama
Takahiko 龜山隆彦, “Dainichikyō sho ni okeru senryakushaku shinpishaku ni
tsuite”『大日經疏』における淺略釋・深秘釋について, Indogaku Bukkyōgaku Kenkyū
印度學佛教學研究 56, no. 1 (2007): 169–72; Shimizu Akisumi 清水明澄, “Tōdo ni
okeru Dainichikyō chūshakusho no seiritsu katei: Onkojo wo chūshin toshite”
唐土における『大日經』注釋書の成立過程:『温古序』を中心として, Mikkyō bunka
密教文化 221 (2008): 49–72; and Mano Shinya 真野新也, “Kanyaku Dainichi-kyō
chūshakusho no seiritsu ni kansuru kōsatsu: Kyōten kanyaku tono kankei kara”
漢訳『大日経』註釈書の成立に関する考察 : 経典漢訳との関係から, Ronsō Ajia no
bunka to shisō 論叢アジアの文化と思想 25 (2016): 34–121. [4]. Jeffrey Kotyk,
“Early Tantric Hemerology in Chinese Buddhism: Timing of Rituals according to
Śubhakarasiṃha and Yixing,” Canadian Journal of Buddhist Studies 13 (2018):
12–13. [5]. Dengyōdaishi zenshū 傳教大師全集 (Hieizan Senshūin Fuzoku Ezan
Gakuin 比叡山専修院附属叡山學院, 1926), vol. 4, 5 [391]; and Kōbōdaishi zenshū
弘法大師全集 (Yoshikawa Kōbunkan 吉川弘文館, 1911), 1:613–14. [6]. See
discussion of extant texts in Shimizu, “Tōdo ni okeru Dainichikyō chūshakusho no
seiritsu katei,” 55. [7]. Quoted from Kotyk, “Early Tantric Hemerology in
Chinese Buddhism,” 2n1. [8]. I critically discuss Xuanzang’s relationship with
Taizong in my recent study: Jeffrey Kotyk, “Chinese State and Buddhist
Historical Sources on Xuanzang: Historicity and the Daci’en si sanzang fashi
zhuan 大慈恩寺三藏法師傳,” T’oung Pao 通報 105 (2019): 531–35. [9]. Yano Michio,
Mikkyō senseijutsu 密教占星術 (Tokyo: Tōyō Shoin, 2013), 132–42, 226–50; and
Sukuyō-kyō shukusatsu 宿曜經縮刷 (Nagoya: Wakita Bunshō, 1897), 1:29. [10].
Matsunaga Yūkei 松長有慶, “Dainichi-kyō no bonbun danpen ni tsuite”
大日經の梵文斷編について, Indogaku Bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度學佛教學研究 14, no. 2
(1966): 855; and Kanō Kazuo, “Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi,” in Brill’s Encyclopedia of
Buddhism, vol. 1, ed. Jonathan A. Silk (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 382–89. Citation:
Jeffrey Kotyk. Review of Goble, Geoffrey C., Chinese Esoteric Buddhism:
Amoghavajra, the Ruling Elite, and the Emergence of a Tradition. H-Buddhism,
H-Net Reviews. August, 2020. URL:
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CONERENCE> 2nd WORLD ENCOUNTER TERESIAN MYSTICISM AND INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE: Chan/Zen Buddhism and Carmelite Spirituality: ON LOVE AND COMPASSION (Ávila ~ Spain, 21-25th, July 2021).
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CONERENCE> 2nd WORLD ENCOUNTER TERESIAN MYSTICISM AND INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE: Chan/Zen Buddhism and Carmelite Spirituality: ON LOVE AND COMPASSION (Ávila ~ Spain, 21-25th, July 2021).
by Daniel Millet-Gil
Your network editor has reposted this from H-Announce. The byline reflects the original authorship.
Type:
Conference
Date:
July 21, 2021 to July 25, 2021
Location:
Spain
Subject Fields:
Religious Studies and Theology
In times of divisions amongst cultures, interreligious dialogue has become an urgent need. In light of this, the International Centre of Teresian and Sanjuanist Studies (CITeS) in Ávila, Spain, announced in 2016 its intention to conduct a series of interreligious encounters, placing Carmelite spirituality in dialogue with other religious traditions. The first of these events, “1st. World Encounter Teresian Mysticism and Interreligious Dialogue Theravāda Buddhism and Teresian Mysticism: Meditation and Contemplation Pathways to Peace”, took place in Ávila from the 27th to the 30th of July 2017 and was organized by CITeS in collaboration with the Centre of Buddhist Studies (CBS) of The University of Hong Kong (HKU). Following the success of this event, CITeS decided on a second congress, the “2nd World Encounter Teresian Mysticism and Interreligious Dialogue. Chan/Zen Buddhism and Carmelite Spirituality: on Love and Compassion”, which will take place in Ávila, from 21st to 25th of July 2021, and will also be jointly organized by CITeS and CBS.
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miércoles, 29 de julio de 2020
Tibet
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Conexión en directo con Thubten Wangchen
En català a continuació
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Gurú Rimpoché
En tibetano, a Gurú Rimpoché se le llama Padmasambhava y significa "maestro precioso".
Fue el fundador de la escuela Nyngma del budismo tibetano en el siglo VIII y también quien introdujo el budismo en Tíbet, fundando allí el primer monasterio, en Samye, a unos 120 kilómetros al sudeste de la capital, Lhasa.
A Gurú Rimpoché se le considera un ser completamente despierto, un Buda. A través de su forma, la sabiduría primordial se manifiesta en el mundo para beneficiar a todos los seres.
Podéis seguir las Oraciones a Gurú Rimpoché en este enlace (transcripción fonética del tibetano)
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OM AH HUNG
BENZA GURU
PEMA SIDDHI HUNG
Os enviamos nuestros mejores deseos.
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Guru Rimpotxé
En tibetà, al Guru Rimpotxé se l'anomena Padmasambhava i significa "mestre preciós".
Va ser el fundador de l'escola Nyngma del budisme tibetà al segle VIII i també qui va introduir el budisme al Tibet, fundant el primer monestir a Samye, a uns 120 quilòmetres al sud-est de la capital, Lhasa.
A Guru Rimpotxé se'l considera un ésser completament despert, un Buda. A través de la seva forma, la saviesa primordial es manifesta en el món per a beneficiar a tots els éssers.
Podeu seguir les Oracions a Guru Rimpotxé en aquest enllaç (transcripció fonètica del tibetà).
Thubten Wangchen finalitzarà la sessió amb la recitació del mantra:
OM AH HUNG
BENZA GURU
PEMA SIDDHI HUNG
Us enviem els nostres millors desitjos.
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sábado, 25 de julio de 2020
Terrae Antiqvae Red Social de Arqueólogos e Historiadores
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Imagen de la necrópolis de Varna, Bulgaria La metalurgia surgió
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