President Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping on the
sidelines of the Group of 20 summit June 29 in Osaka, Japan. (Susan
Walsh/AP)
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The coronavirus pandemic has spiked tensions between China and the
United States. In Washington, hard-line lawmakers in Congress are pushing punitive legislation against Beijing, while
using their grievances over China’s handling of the outbreak to justify a
more sweeping transformation of the relationship between the world’s two biggest
economies.
Over the weekend, Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.), one of the most strident
anti-Chinese voices on the Hill, argued that the thousands of Chinese
students given visas to attend U.S. universities should be restricted from enrolling in science and
technology programs. Instead, they should be allowed “to come here and
study Shakespeare and the Federalist Papers, that’s what they need to learn
from America,” Cotton said. “They don’t need to learn quantum
computing and artificial intelligence from America.”
Chinese officials, meanwhile, keep stoking coronavirus
counter-narratives. On Monday, the Twitter account of the Foreign Ministry
spokesperson reiterated claims that the Trump administration is
participating in a coverup and obscuring information about how the virus
spread.
Also in a tweet, Hu Xijin, the editor in chief of the Global Times, an
English-language state-run tabloid, argued that China is reckoning more responsibly with
the virus than the United States, whose “ambitious politicians” are willing
to risk the lives of the public by opening up the economy sooner than
public health experts think wise.
Observers elsewhere are not impressed. China pursued “very
authoritarian measures, while in the U.S., the virus was played down for a
long time,” German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas said in an interview earlier this month with Der Spiegel.
“These are two extremes, neither of which can be a model for Europe.”
Some European critics have bemoaned President Trump’s divisive
management of the crisis and abandonment of global leadership amid the
pandemic. Nathalie Tocci, who advises E.U. foreign policy chief Josep
Borrell, has likened this moment to the 1956 Suez crisis — an
international standoff in Egypt that is remembered as an inflection point
in Britain’s decline as a global power. The 2020 pandemic may one day
represent the same for the United States.
China, though, is hardly filling the void and may not want to — an
argument often ignored in Washington, where an emerging bipartisan
consensus casts Beijing as America’s inexorable 21st-century great power
competitor. “China has no desire to run the world in the way the Americans
or the West have done,” former Singaporean diplomat Kishore Mahbubani told the Asian Nikkei Review. “The
Chinese are happy to play their part, but most of all want to take care of
China.”
That may be for the best given how Beijing’s recent soft power outreach,
particularly with medical aid, has run into controversies over the quality
of supplies distributed. And its attempts this month to diplomatically strong-arm the European Union into
suppressing an internal report that documented Beijing’s disinformation
campaigns in Europe have hardly won it any more sympathy.
No matter the talk of a new “Cold War,” the pandemic is a reminder
that, for much of the world, neither American supremacy nor a
newfangled Pax Sinica hold much appeal.
True, for nationalists and populists elsewhere, China’s fiscal clout and
growing political muscle does provide a counterbalance to the liberal
system once championed by Washington. “Leaders, and populists especially,
now increasingly see partnership with the United States — once viewed as an
indispensable pillar of foreign policy — and its Western allies as overly
constraining,” wrote scholars Alexander Cooley and Daniel Nexon in Foreign
Policy. “For example, [the Philippines’ Rodrigo] Duterte, [Turkey’s
Recep Tayyip] Erdogan, and [Hungary’s Viktor] Orban all came to power in
states that were fully integrated members of the U.S.-led security order.
All three now point to potential security relations with Russia and China
as providing the possibility of greater balance with, if not outright exit
from, that order.”
But even skeptics of the Pax Americana aren’t eager to see it supplanted
by the Chinese. “Like Beijing, the U.S. leveraged its pole position in the
global economy, its military and industrial strengths, and its
technological supremacy to build a world order that responded to its
interests,” Indian parliamentarian Jayant Sinha and Delhi-based scholar
Samir Saran wrote in a piece that forecast a less free and open
post-pandemic world. “There is, however, no equivalence between the two.
U.S. society was largely open — individuals, communities and nations from
around the world could engage, convince or petition its institutions; write
in its media; and, often, participate in its politics. Its hegemony was
constrained by a democratic society and conditioned by its electoral
cycles.”
There is consensus
among many foreign policy experts that cooperation
between the two countries is vital for the world’s collective ability
to deal with the coronavirus and prepare for future pandemics. But China
and the United States, on their present course, are leading the world into
a pandemic-fueled nationalist spiral.
“U.S.-China cooperation has been almost entirely absent during the early
stages of this crisis, which now seems as likely to deepen the two nation’s
divisions as it is to bring them together,” wrote
James Crabtree in the Asian Nikkei Review. “The aftermath of the global
financial crisis suggests countries facing recessions and anxious domestic
populations also all too often resort to protectionism, worsening both
their own economic circumstances and those of their neighbors.”
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Talking Points
• On Monday night,
Brazil’s Supreme Court announced it would allow an investigation into
allegations President Jair Bolsonaro tried to interfere
with the country's justice system. The news comes after Justice Minister
Sérgio Moro resigned Friday, saying Bolsonaro “had told him on multiple
occasions that he wanted to replace the head of the federal police with
someone who could facilitate access to investigations and intelligence
reports,” the Associated Press writes.
• The Post’s Emily
Rauhala notes that Trump’s “ largely unpopular decision
this month to suspend funding to the [World Health Organization] for 60
days in the middle of a pandemic could have impacts that reverberate beyond
the current crisis: Enhancing China’s standing in the
world while reinforcing perceptions of the United
States as an unpredictable partner.”
• Yemen’s most
influential southern separatist group declared independence over
the weekend, triggering concerns the country's years-long deadly conflict
could escalate just as the United Nations is seeking a nationwide
cease-fire to prevent the spread of the novel coronavirus. My colleague Sudarsan Raghavan has
more.
• And British Prime
Minister Boris Johnson, perhaps the world’s most famous coronavirus
patient, went back to work on Monday — after spending the
worst of Britain's epidemic sidelined, first in self-isolation, then
struggling to breathe in the hospital, and later in recovery in the
countryside. His illness rattled the country, and even those who disliked
him cheered for his return.
But he may not get much of a grace period.
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Top of The Post
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Angela Fritz, Michael Brice-Saddler and Maura Judkis ● Read
more »
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By
Lateshia Beachum, Marisa Iati, Adam Taylor, Meryl Kornfield, Steven Goff,
Samantha Pell and Felicia Sonmez ● Read
more »
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Viewpoints
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Sickness amid the cedars
The largest cluster of coronavirus cases in Lebanon has surprisingly
taken hold in the insular Christian hamlet of Bsharri in the mountains
above Beirut. Bsharri
is known for its devout Maronite Christian inhabitants and as a bastion of
right-wing Christian militiamen during the country’s long civil war. Bsharri
is also famous for being beautiful. It is widely celebrated for its cedar
trees, some of the oldest in the world — called the “Cedars of God” — and
the national emblem of Lebanon. Below the town’s newly inaugurated
government hospital perched atop a hill extends a lush valley. Streams,
waterfalls and water springs abound, filling the silence with a permanent
gurgling. Mountains, both green and snow-capped, encircle the town, giving
an impression of nature-mandated isolation.
Today, however, the isolation is government imposed. Bsharri is the only town in Lebanon
to have been placed under complete quarantine, after 24 cases of the
coronavirus were recorded in a 24-hour period early this month. About 70 of
the town’s 5,500 residents have now contracted the virus, around 10 percent
of all the cases in the country. The government has closed
off the surrounding Bsharri district, which includes 22 towns and villages,
allowing only supplies and police and other official personnel in and out.
The emptied streets in the picturesque town look like an abandoned
Hollywood set.
Residents are not permitted out of their homes except individually to go
shopping. A rotation has been set for restaurants so one is open each day
to feed hospital staff and policemen. Policemen are stationed outside
markets to limit crowding. “You
either wear the mask or quit,” one growled at a grocer. — Sarah
Dadouch
Read on: The Lebanese were watching for the
virus. But the outbreak in this secluded and stunningly beautiful place was
not what they’d expected.
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1,000 Words
El Salvador’s government launched a crackdown on jailed gang members
after 60 people were killed over the weekend, ending months of remarkable
calm in the Central American country. Photos released by the office
of President Nayib Bukele showed
hundreds of inmates stripped to their shorts and
jammed together on prison floors as their cells were
searched. Some wore face masks, but most had little protection against the
possible spread of the coronavirus. (El Salvador President Press Office via
AP)
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Afterword
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